Toward the end of a
two-day public
relations conference at the St. Petersburg Electrotechnical
University
in June, Vladimir Ugryumov summarized the sentiments of the
Russian educators
and practitioners present.
"The profession of public
relations
is based on American and English public relations," said
Ugryumov, the
head of public relations for St. Petersburg’s city
parliament. "We
need our own public relations."
With a majority in the
lecture
hall nodding their heads, he proclaimed, "Russia is a different
place with
its own problems."
The idea that "Russia is
a different
place with its own problems" is something foreign visitors often
hear in
the former communist state. In one sense, it is an excuse
for resisting
change. These are hard times in the Russian Federation,
and the transition
from a controlled economy to a free market economy has been
difficult and,
in some cases, painful. However, the idea that Russia is
"different"
is also, in the same breath, both an invitation and a warning to
public
relations consultants and agencies wishing to enter the Russian
market.
Transplanting democratic values into a society that until six
years ago
had known only centuries of repression will require time and
patience.
Deja Vu All Over Again?
Before doing business in
what
is geographically the world’s largest country, one needs to
understand
the current environment in which Russian journalism, public
relations and
public opinion operate. There is some truth to the idea
that "Russia
is a different place with its own problems." Public
relations in
the United States blossomed in a society that had long-standing
democratic
traditions. That is clearly not the case in Russia.
Additionally,
the private sector served as the catalyst for American public
relations.
During a period of rapid growth in the late 1880s companies such
as Mutual
Life Insurance and Westinghouse first felt the need for
formalizing their
communications. However, at the birth of democratic
Russia,
the government public relations apparatus is far more
established than
those in the commercial sector. With much of the
bureaucracy clinging
to its old Soviet ways, the transition from propaganda to
two-way public
relations may come slowly.
Although there is always
danger
in making cross-cultural comparisons, there are similarities
between the
Russia of today and the United States at the dawn of the 20th
Century.
American public relations was born during a period in which
democracy and
its institutions matured. With the flood of immigrants and
the growth
of the middle class, the relationships between government,
business and
the voting public changed. Public opinion became more
important.
It was a time in which the nation reexamined and, to a certain
extent,
redefined itself. Modern American public relations
developed as a
means for coping with this change. Similar forces are at
work today
in Russia.
The Press: From Red to Yellow
For example, the public
relations
profession emerged in both nations in a period dominated by the
"yellow
press," characterized by highly partisan, inaccurate and
sensationalistic
reporting. In the United States, organized public
relations began
as the yellow press was evolving into an investigative
muckraking style,
the forerunner of today’s American journalism. In Russia,
where the
free press is in its infancy, that evolution is just beginning.
Russian journalists often
do
not do the things that are instinctive to their American
counterparts,
such as ask tough questions, seek out multiple sources and give
direct
attribution to their sources. They have been known to
report process
over substance. It is not unusual to have a journalist’s
emotions
cloud his or her reporting. Often, it is impossible to
distinguish
between news and advertising copy, a tactic that has come to be
known as
hidden advertising.
Reporters may sell
advertising
to augment their meager salaries, a clear conflict of
interest. "It
is very profitable for journalists to work here," said Gennady
Malyshev,
general manager of Kirishy Fakel, a newspaper serving an
industrial town
near St. Petersburg. "If the journalist brings in
advertising, he
gets 20 percent." However, Malyshev said his paper does
not print
hidden advertising.
Anna Sharogradskaia,
regional
coordinator of Russia’s National Press Institute, believes
reporters are
under no pressure to change. "They are not encouraged by their
editors
or even their readers to do their job," she said.
Another distinguishing
aspect
of Russian journalism is the degree of government control that
is still
exerted. Even with the demise of communism, most of the
major media
outlets are at least partially government owned, and some are
wholly owned.
"Certainly they enjoy freedom of the press," Sharogradskaia
said.
"There are no longer forbidden topics, and they can write
whatever they
want to.
"But if their buildings,
equipment
and printing presses belong to the state, the state has the
mechanism for
making them far from being free."
Even those media that are
truly
independent of the government are struggling with the concept of
private
control -- something their American counterparts often
face. "The
press can write the truth about anybody but not its owner," said
Alexi
Pankin, editor in chief of the trade magazine Sreda. Boris
Pankin,
his father and a former government official, expressed a harsher
view when
he told a Freedom Forum conference in St. Petersburg, "Each
media group
has its own owner, and they monitor (media) activities more than
the former
Central Committee of the Communist Party."
Second Verse, Same as the First
Depending on whom you
talk to,
Russian government public relations is either a positive force
in democratization
or a vestige of the old authoritarian regime.
Ugryumov, who has been in
his
government job for two years, sees himself as operating in a
traditional
public relations role -- as a link between the city parliament
and the
various publics important to its success. “The work of the
PR service
is to find out what people are thinking,” he said.
Russian practitioners
also voice
complaints familiar to those in the West. "When there is
good news,
the boss wants to be on the television screen," said Vsevolod
Morozov,
press secretary for the Leningrad Oblast Committee for Medical
Promotion.
"When there is bad news, he wants to hide behind his press
secretary."
However, government
ownership
of the media often has Russian government information officers
operating
in the dual role of practitioner and reporter. This is
similar to
the situation in America in the early 1900s, when it was not
uncommon for
someone to work as a journalist in the morning and as a
publicist in the
afternoon.
Some believe that the
problem
with Russian government public relations has less to do with
practitioners
and more to do with their bosses. There is a sense that
many prefer
to operate under the old Soviet approach of "we will tell you
only what
we think you need to know." Quite often, the practitioner
gets caught
in the crossfire. Valentina Domosyeva, press officer for
the Leningrad
Oblast Committee of Social Welfare, said she once prepared a
television
broadcast explaining a 50 percent shortfall of money earmarked
for mothers
with dependent children. Although the program was designed
to ease
public concerns, Domosyeva said Oblast officials refused to air
it.
Even Sharogradskaia, who
believes
Russian government public relations is "a disaster," is
sympathetic.
"One should not envy public relations people because sometimes
they try
to do a good job,” she said. “But their bosses ruin
everything by
doing the opposite."
The Perils of Private PR
Commercial public
relations in
Russia, both corporate and agency, is lagging behind government
public
relations in development. That’s not a surprise, since the
free market
has been in place only six years while the government has been
churning
out propaganda since the 1917 revolution. However, those
interested in
filling this void should follow the advice given to anyone
thinking of
doing business in Russia: Go in with your eyes wide open.
The growth in the
private
sector is being led by foreign-based corporations and agencies
that import
their public relations practices and values. "It has been
hard to
convince Russian companies that they need public relations,"
said Andrei
Barannikov of Gronat, a public relations and advertising agency
in St.
Petersburg. Although the original owner of the agency had
been from
Sweden, Barannikov said it had evolved into a Russian-only
agency.
Despite that, only 30 percent of Gronat’s clients are based in
Russia.
Olga Chernishova is a
public
relations manager with Coca Cola - St. Petersburg. Much of
her job
focuses on internal affairs. "It is an American company,
trying to
uphold company policies, while trying to make employees loyal to
the company,"
Chernishova said. Also like her American counterparts,
Chernishova
engages in promotional activities, such as factory tours, to
build healthy
relations with consumers. However, an important aspect of
her job
is building and maintaining relations with an intrusive
government bureaucracy
that hasn’t fully embraced the concept of a free market economy.
"My job is to convince
inspectors
that the activities of Coca Cola are not dangerous for
customers," Chernishova
said. "Coca Cola can’t decide for itself if it has the
right to exist.
The government structure has to be involved."
For foreign companies
setting
up shop in Russia, government involvement can be a major
concern.
At the aforementioned conference at St. Petersburg
Electrotechnical University,
several practitioners representing foreign-based firms told
stories of
run-ins with various government inspectors and the tax
police. Each
was circumspect as to how these disputes were resolved.
One said,
"We chose to resolve the situation calmly. We did not
involve the
press." Although public relations tactics can sometimes
smooth over
differences with Russian officials, bribery is commonplace.
Walk, Don’t Run
Is this an opportune
time to
think about expanding an agency’s or company’s reach into the
Russian Federation?
The answer largely depends upon whether one has an optimistic or
pessimistic
view of life. Optimists will note that Russia has made
tremendous
progress both socially and politically since the fall of the
Soviet Union.
An example is the 1996 election of St. Petersburg Governor
Vladimir Yakovlev,
who defeated an incumbent in a free election. At the same
time, the
nation is still trying to get its economic house in order.
Already
this year, the international community has poured in $22.6
billion in loans
to bolster the shaky Russian economy. However, there is
one fact
about Russians that is undeniable: They are survivors.
And what of the future of
public
relations in Russia? Interest in the profession continues
to grow,
especially in light of the high profile foreign public relations
counselors
had during recent elections in Vladivostok. Evidence of
this interest
can be seen in the growing number of public relations programs
springing
up at various colleges and universities. American
universities, private
foundations and government agencies such as the United States
Information
Service have been helping Russian schools establish public
relations curricula.
However, Anna
Sharogradskaia
is concerned that too much Russian public relations instruction
focuses
on tactics and body language. "I don’t want all these
tricks on how
to pretend that you are a nice person when you are not," she
said.
Sharogradskaia wants a
more
symmetrical approach to public relations education. "What
I want
to experience is something which is connected with the culture
of official-to-citizen
relations," Sharogradskaia said. "This should be a culture
in which
the citizen is treated with dignity."